Donald Trump crashed our democracy and is actively dismantling the economy. Neither of these things would be possible without Congressional acquiescence. By the time you read this newsletter, the US likely will be in a "bear market," a 20% decline in stock prices from their recent highs. 62% of US adults own stock; the top 1% hold $23 trillion worth. Well, $23 trillion minus 20%.
Trump's tariffs and dismantling of the federal government are responsible for rapidly transforming the economic outlook to a recession and a key aspect isolating the US from its now former allies. Shenanigans by Speaker Johnson limit the ability of House members to terminate some tariffs even as some senators try, on a bipartisan basis, to return control back to Congress. Addressing declarations of emergency power, which permitted the tariffs, was number one of my list of things Congress should insist upon in return for avoiding the debt default and passing a budget.
Meanwhile, mass protests have started, with 1,200 demonstrations this past weekend. Those numbers will grow. If the Trump regime moves against the nonviolent protesters, we will be in a world of trouble. Repression will fuel outrage. Impoverishment will fuel desperation. We've seen that story in other countries. Number two on my list of things Congress should insist upon, by the way, concerns preventing the national guard from being used for political suppression.
It is still possible for Congress to stop or slow this downward spiral. They have the power. Senator Schumer demonstrated he did not have the political will when the crucial moment arose, but circumstances may create another moment. Or it may take a new generation of leaders to turn things around. For now, it is up to the Republicans, who are assiduously avoiding their constituents. Ultimately, it is up to the people.
If you think this might be alarmest, here's a possible endpoint. From the lede in a Washington Post story: "President Donald Trump on Sunday declined to rule out seeking a third presidential term — an unconstitutional act explicitly barred under the 22nd Amendment — saying that 'there are methods which you could do it.'"
Appropriations
I had planned to write in detail about the ongoing Legislative Branch appropriations hearings in the House, which brought us fascinating testimony from House officers last week and opportunities to hear from support agencies this week. I was there in person and I strongly recommend folks read the written testimony. But let me cut to the chase. For decades Congress has not provided the Legislative branch sufficient funding, with that amount significantly and perpetually falling behind executive branch funding level increases. Last year's continuing resolution did the legislative branch no favors.
If the House of Representatives is unwilling or unable to significantly address its funding shortfall, it will be in crisis. For example, CAO Szpindor testified "there now exist new programmatic and personnel funding requirements that cannot be offset through funding reprioritization without serious security and service implications." They have had a flat budget since FY 2023. While testimony from these various officers is polite and generally indirect, having tracked this process for many years, the implication is clear.
This week we will hear from the Library of Congress and the Architect of the Capitol (with hundreds of millions of dollars in backlogged projects), the US Capitol Police (which have an insatiable appetite for more funds), the Government Accountability Office (which saves taxpayers billions but is underfunded), Congressional Budget Office, and Government Publishing Office, and finally Members of Congress and the public.
In 2023, the federal government appropriated about $1.7 Trillion and spent $6-7 Billion on the Legislative branch (with a big chunk of that going towards the Capitol Police and the Architect of the Capitol). To keep up with the costs of inflation, personnel, and technology, and to pay off deferred costs, these offices are asking for pocket change to cover more than 12,000 employees. This isn't a hard call. Congress has been tightening its belt for 30 years – it's time for some relief.
ICYMI, on Wednesday House Appropriations Chair Cole released his guidance on appropriations for FY26, including declaring members may begin submitting programmatic and language requests on April 14th; and subcommittee chairman may begin releasing guidance for each bill.
Proxy/Remote voting
We've now come full circle on the ability of members to vote remotely. At the start of the pandemic, there were bipartisan proposals in both chambers to allow members of Congress to vote remotely, which was opposed by some in leadership (notably Speaker Pelosi). Leadership doesn't like remote voting because it makes it harder to force members to the floor to twist their arms. Speaker Pelosi eventually changed her tune and instituted proxy voting, which eliminated the floor privileges for members who were not physically present, but allowed votes to occur. (This contrasts with remote voting, which would allow members to fully exercise their rights wherever they are and cast their own votes. Newt Gingrich, in his testimony, said this was technologically feasible to accomplish.) Republicans polarized on the issue when Trump insisted that COVID was not serious and that you're only at work if you're in the office.
Now Rep. Luna made serious headway in her bipartisan effort to help new parents by allowing them to vote by proxy while their kids are infants. She stood by her proxy voting resolution even as Speaker Johnson twisted arms and sought to undermine her successful discharge petition. (Matt Glassman characterizes her as a "hellbent majority.") President Trump, never one for consistency, said he doesn't get why allowing new parents to vote by proxy is a big deal. But Johnson dug in and canceled votes for the rest of the week when her privileged resolution was set to go to the floor. But Johnson needs an exit plan: the impasse highlights the weakness of his position and increases the possibility that fluid majorities may start to work their will on a variety of issues.
Now there's word of a deal: members of the same party will be able to "pair" their votes, which means that members on opposite sides of an issue will not vote when one member is unable to vote. (This is a deal made among Republicans, which limits its usefulness.) The outcome: fewer members of Congress exercising their constitutional duty of voting on the chamber floor. Ironically, Johnson's solution is for two members to not show up at work.
The discharge petition is still live, and I think any member of the House can bring it up, unless House Republicans find a way to prevent a majority from working its will. They're certainly trying hard to do just that.
Odds and ends
The award-winning Center for Public Integrity is closing its doors. This is part of the trend of open government nonprofits dying off that I wrote about in the Bulwark. Dave Levinthal tells its tale.
Yet another person was arrested for carrying an unlicensed weapon into the Capitol. I think this makes four security breaches in the last few weeks? In my opinion, everyone (including members) should have to go through the metal detectors.
Sen. Cory Booker made the longest speech from the Senate floor. The subtext was Sen. Schumer's decision to spurn 80% of Democratic senators and provide the support Trump needed to enact his partisan spending bill. The context was opposing Trump's power grab.
What's the history of impoundment? Protect Democracy dives deep. Their conclusion: "The historical record is clear: the president has no inherent power to refuse to spend funds Congress appropriated."
OMB shuttered the statutorily mandated website showing apportionments, which would reveal when the Executive branch is illegally impounding funds. When Sen. Patty Murray pushed OMB on the issue, their response was garbage.
So who holds the power of the purse? Brookings has a panel discussion scheduled for next week.
BTW, a rescission package is coming.
How do ordinary people fight back against government secrecy? Miranda Spivack tells their tales in a new book. Go see her on May 10 at Politics and Prose in conversation with the former Executive Editor of the Washington Post, Len Downie.
Lobbying disclosure is the focus of a recurring GAO report that found, once again, that it's not unusual for required data to be missing.
Court stripping efforts are coming.
Calendar. I'll be on Capitol Hill on Tuesday and Wednesday for the Leg Branch Appropriations hearings. Come say hi. Also, the Senate Judiciary Committee has scheduled an excellent oversight hearing on FOIA this Tuesday. Don't miss it.
Congratulations, Gene Dodaro, inducted into the Government Hall of Fame.